Myanmar

Myanmar does not contribute troops due to the controversy of its participation. While China, through its policy of non-intervention, deals with the Myanmar government, the USA has criticized the regime. A potential participation of Myanmar troops could raise criticism in the Security Council led by the USA, and China could argue against this. In more detail, Myanmar, also known as Burma, is ruled by a military junta which suppresses almost all dissent and wields absolute power in the face of international condemnation and sanctions (BBC 2006an, par. 1). The generals and the army stand accused of gross human rights abuses, including the forcible relocation of civilians and the widespread use of forced labor, which includes children (Ibid.).

Myanmar has participated in three UN peacekeeping operations. First, Myanmar contributed with military observers to UNOGIL (UNDPI 1996, 701). UNOGIL was established to ensure that there was no illegal infiltration of personnel or supply of arms or other materiel across the Lebanese borders (UN 2003e, par. 1). After the conflict had been settled, tensions eased and UNOGIL was withdrawn (June-December 1958) (Ibid.).

Second, Myanmar contributed also with Military Observers to the United Nations India-Pakistan Observation Mission (UNIPOM) between 1965-1966 (UNDPI 1996, 705). And third, Myanmar contributed with staff personnel to the United Nations Operation in the Congo (ONUC), from 1960-1964 (Ibid., 709). ONUC was established in July 1960 to ensure the withdrawal of Belgian forces, to assist the Government in maintaining law and order and to provide technical assistance (UN 2001a, par. 1). The function of ONUC was subsequently modified to include maintaining the territorial integrity and political independence of the Congo, preventing the occurrence of civil war and securing the removal of all foreign military, paramilitary and advisory personnel not under the United Nations command, and all mercenaries (Ibid.).

Initial variables of the data collection process:

UN/UN peacekeeping policy reform
No record.

Perception of peacekeeping
The perceptions of peacekeeping missions in Myanmar are not clear. Nevertheless, within Asia, Japan’s military activities during the Second World War created negative perceptions about intervention. The USA improved them, but it has been deteriorating with the war in Iraq. Thus, the perceptions are mixed. The following passage is shown as an example:

China is in the process of expanding its military presence in the Asia-Pacific region following the exit of the US bases from Subic Bay in the Philippines. Though the US is the dominant power in East Asia, China has forged economic and military ties with surrounding country's such as Myanmar and with oil-producing countries such as Iran. The US must sustain its position in the region and make its peacekeeping intentions clear to China while respecting the country's sovereignty. (Carey 1998, par. 1)

Domestic political environment
Since the military coup [1962, and still governed by the same group], most political parties have been declared illegal (EIU 2006cc, 4). The country is ruled by a military junta which suppresses almost all dissent and wields absolute power in the face of international condemnation and sanctions (BBC 2006an, par. 1).

It is believed that during 2007-2008, the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) will push on with its "road map to democracy," but there is little likelihood that this will lead to meaningful political reform (2006cc, 1). The US will remain a stern critic of the regime, but the junta’s ties with China are fairly strong, and the ASEAN is still committed to its policy of non-interference (Ibid.). The leader of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), Aung San Suu Kyi, remains under house-arrest, and despite intense international pressure, the junta has no plans to release her in the near future (Ibid.).

Domestic economic environment
Military-run enterprises control key industries, and corruption and severe mismanagement are the hallmarks of a black-market-driven economy (BBC 2006an, par. 2). During 2007-2008, it is expected that economic policymaking will continue to be erratic (2006cc, 1). Although the energy sector will remain fairly buoyant, the outlook for the rest of the economy is poor (Ibid.). While it is possible that many Myanmar citizens need employment, and peacekeeping could be an option, it is not likely that this will be a real option for them. With regards to more economic indicators, “high inflation and weak confidence will exert downward pressure on the kyat’s free-market exchange rate, but rising exports of gas will help to keep the current account in surplus and will bolster foreign-exchange reserves” (Ibid.).

Military affairs
The military remains the source of power (EIU 2006af, 10). The ruling military council, the SPDC, is the dominant institution, and is widely feared and disliked (Ibid.). This creates the problem that Myanmar forces could not be “trusted” if they are deployed as part of a UN peace operation. The current regime has spent heavily on expanding the military (Ibid.). The IISS states that the armed forces (including the police and militias) expanded from 170,000 in 1988 and to 485,000 by 2004, including 325,000 regular army personnel, a 13,000-strong navy and a 15,000-member air force (Ibid., quoting IISS 2004). Nevertheless, despite the heavy spending, the military has not shown any strengthening and poor pay and conditions may have weakened support for the junta within the rank-and-file of the armed forces, but not enough seriously to threaten its grip on power (Ibid.).

Foreign policy
Cooperation with the United Nations is the cornerstone of Myanmar foreign policy. Myanmar has a keen interest in the work of the United Nations and has been actively participating in various organs of bodies of the United Nations (UN-Myanmar 2005, par. 2). Nevertheless, peacekeeping is not a priority.

Myanmar has served as Chairman of the First Committee during the Millennium Assembly. Myanmar also chairs the Special and Political and Decolonization Committee (Fourth Committee), one of the Main Committees of the General Assembly at its current 59th session. Myanmar is also currently on the Governing Body of the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) as well as on the Executive Board of the UNICEF. Myanmar will also become a member of the Commission on Social Development starting from January 2005. With its strong belief in multilateralism, the Permanent Mission of the Union of Myanmar will continue to be actively involved in important works of the United Nations. (Ibid.)

The US and the EU continue to treat Myanmar as a pariah state (EIU 2006af, 13). In July 2003 the US tightened its sanctions by banning all imports from Myanmar (these sanctions remained in place in 2005) (Ibid.). This situation will hinder any attempts of Myanmar’s participation in UN peace operations. The EU has not imposed matching sanctions, although it has imposed an arms embargo and other measures. Japan, among others, has taken a softer stance, preferring limited engagement (Ibid.). However, “Myanmar’s economic and diplomatic isolation will not be fully overcome until the junta takes steps towards significant political reform” (Ibid.).

In a bid to counterbalance pressure from the West and (to a much lesser extent) wavering support within ASEAN, the junta has concentrated on cementing ties with China, and on developing closer economic ties with other East Asian and South Asian nations (Ibid., 14).

China remains a key ally and important trade partner, as well as a provider of regular military assistance to the junta. Efforts by Western nations to encourage China to exert some pressure on the junta have so far had little effect. The SPDC has also invested considerable effort into developing its economic and political ties with India and Bangladesh, resulting in a variety of investment projects and agreements to boost cross border trade. (Ibid.)

Additional variables found after the preliminary analysis:

Climate changes
No record.

Independent negotiations taken by DPKO to seek troops
No record.

Independent negotiations taken by contributor countries to engage non-contributor countries
No record.

Meetings organized by other international organizations to engage in dialogue about peacekeeping
No record.